1. Trade unions have the right to participate in the preparation of public employment programmes, to propose measures for the social protection of trade union members dismissed as a result of the restructuring or dissolution of an organisation, and to exercise trade union control over employment and compliance with labour legislation. 3. Remuneration systems, forms of material incentives, the level of collective rates (wages) and labour standards shall be defined by employers and their associations (trade unions, associations) in agreement with the competent trade union organisations and shall be included in collective agreements and agreements. 5. Trade unions may own land, buildings, structures, facilities, sanatoriums, thermal baths, tourism, sports and other facilities to improve health, cultural education, scientific and educational institutions, housing parks and organizations, including publishing and printing houses, as well as securities and other property necessary to carry out the statutory activities of trade unions. (4) Foreign citizens and stateless persons residing in the territory of the Russian Federation may be members of trade unions of the Russian Federation, except in cases provided for by federal laws or international treaties of the Russian Federation. 4. The first condition is therefore a closer link between the Soviet apparatus and the trade union apparatus. Since Soviet power is the widest possible organization and concentrates all the social power of the proletariat, it is clear that with the expansion of communist consciousness and the creative role of the masses, the trade unions must gradually transform themselves into auxiliary organs of the proletarian state, and not the other way around.
Russia was a multi-ethnic empire. Nineteenth-century Russians saw cultures and religions in a clear hierarchy. Non-Russian cultures were tolerated in the empire, but not necessarily respected.  Culturally, Europe was favored over Asia, as was Orthodox Christianity over other religions.  2. As a result, the methods and themes of trade union work must be radically changed. When the proletariat as a class is faced with the task of accepting the system of “war labour”, that is, a system of the highest precision, efficiency, responsibility, speed and intensity, as well as altruism and self-sacrifice on the part of the workers, this must apply above all to the organs of industrial administration in general and, therefore, to the unions. (1) Trade union personnel who are exempted from working in the organization as a result of the election (delegation) to elective positions in trade union bodies shall be reinstated in their former employment (position) at the end of their term of office and, failing that, shall be assigned another equivalent job (position) in the same organization or with the consent of the worker in another organization. 2.
The Party exerts its influence on the broad non-partisan layers of workers through communist fractions and cells in all other workers` organizations, especially in the trade unions. The dictatorship of the proletariat and the building of socialism are guaranteed only to the extent that the trade unions, although formally without a party, become communist in their essence and pursue the policy of the Communist Party. 2. The legislation of the subjects of the Russian Federation does not restrict the rights of trade unions and the guarantees of their activity, as provided for in federal laws. The controversial Orthodox priest Georgy Gapon, who headed a police-sponsored workers` association, led a huge workers` procession to the Winter Palace on Sunday, January 22, 1905 to deliver a petition to the Tsar. The troops guarding the palace were ordered to tell protesters not to pass a certain point, Sergei Witte said, and at one point the troops opened fire on the protesters, causing between 200 and 1,000 deaths, according to Witte. The event became known as Bloody Sunday and is considered by many scholars to be the beginning of the active phase of the revolution. The organized workers` movement was weak because of its almost complete illegality. In 1914, only 0.5 to 0.8 percent of industrial workers belonged to either the Bolshevik faction or the Menshevik fraction of the Social Democrats.  The Trade Union Act of 1906 codifies for the first time the right to organize of workers, but these unions are deprived of any political power and their statutes must be approved by the authorities.
 At the beginning of 1914, union membership accounted for 1.2 to 4.6% of workers in the industry.  However, strikes were a widespread phenomenon. Workers went on strike to demand better wages, working conditions and individual dignity, but also in solidarity against the repression of workers elsewhere and to support other general problems related to democratization processes.  While strikes were classified as “economic” or “political” by the authorities and later by historians, the boundaries between these categories were often blurred.  The two largest waves of strikes of the pre-war period occurred between 1905 and 1906 in the wake of the revolution and between 1912 and 1914 in response to the massacre of miners in the Lena goldfields.